Continuing through the Commie Classics, this is a review of “Left Wing” Communism: an Infantile Disorder, by Lenin, who wrote this book in 1920.

Bolsheviks were the revolutionary Marxist party founded by Lenin. The Mensheviks were a left wing social democrat party. Lenin split with the Mensheviks (minority) to found the Bolsheviks (majority) in 1912. Soviet, by the way, means council, and the Soviet Union was organized around these councils/assemblies, which were supposed to be something like trade union, but for every aspect of life. These are where the “people” would have direct input.

Lenin was really capable at invective. His writings drip with hatred, particularly for those who disagreed with him on minor points.  

Chap 1 – In What Sense We Can Speak of the International Significance of the Russian Revolution

In this short chapter, Lenin assures us the Russian Revolution had true international significance. If you’re unsure why this is important, Marxists had held that true revolution could only start in places where industrial capitalism had reached its fullest development. At that point, it would collapse under the weight of its own contradictions and socialism would supplant it. Russia was not a developed nation and was considered backwards in its industrial capacity. It had not reached the point where a proletariat should be ready for revolution.  

On this understanding, many continental Marxists held that the Russian revolution was not going to be particularly significant. Significant revolution would need to start in one of the more industrialized countries, particularly England, France, or Germany.  

Lenin never gets around to saying why Russia would be significant, other than that the Revolution had occurred and the political change was enduring.

Chap 2 – The Essential Condition of the Bolshevik’s Success

Lenin cites centralization of leadership and iron discipline. He puts the highest regard on correct orthodox thought regarding his Marxism and Revolutionary thought.

Chap 3 – The Principal Stages in the History of Bolshevism

Lenin outlines the development of Bolshevism from his paper advocating a split in 1902, to the current day. He terms all other socialist factions opportunists, social-chauvinists, and traitors to the proletariat.

Chap 4 – The Struggle Against Enemies within the Working-Class Movement Helped Develop, Gain Strength, and Become Steeled.

Lenin details intra-party struggles with anarchists, social democrats, left communists and others and draws principles about when one must hold the line and when one must compromise.

Chap 5 – Left Wing Communism in Germany: The Leaders, the Party, the Class, the Masses

Lenin discusses the developments in Germany of a split in the communist party. There, a pamphlet was written asking whether they should support a dictatorship of the Communist party, or a dictatorship of the masses?  

Lenin says they are infantile. In Germany (and the west in general) they were too accustomed to ‘legality’, meaning free elections, which is, to Lenin, simple acquiescence to bourgeois systems.  

Lenin believes there needed to be a variation between legality and illegality- in other words, acting illegally when the situation called for it. He saw the Germans as repudiating party discipline, which was necessary to carry the dictatorship of the proletariat out.  

He says that in Russia they were able to drive out the landowners and capitalists relatively quickly. But the small shopkeepers couldn’t be driven out in the same way. They would need to be reformed, but that would require time, and extreme vigilance, since the shopkeepers would easily revert to bourgeois values and pervert the revolution. A “party of iron, tempered in the struggle” would be necessary to struggle against the forces and traditions of old society.

Chap 6 – Should Revolutionaries Work in Reactionary Trade Unions?

Lenin outlines the Bolshevik experience in Russia, to show what can be applied in Western Europe.  

“The dictatorship of the proletariat is exercised by the proletariat organized in soviets. The proletariat is guided by the Communist party of Bolsheviks. The Party holds annual congresses, but is guided by a Central committee of 19, who are elected at the Congress. The current work in Moscow is carried on by smaller bodies, known as the Organizing Bureau and the Political Bureau. This would appear as a full-fledged oligarchy. No important political or organizational question is decided by any institution in our republic without the guidance of the Party’s Central Committee.”

Dave Note:
Because the communist revolution was on such shaky ground, Lenin understood that the only possible way to get there was by a few men making the important decisions according to the way Lenin interpreted Marxist doctrine. As was admitted in the previous chapter, iron enforcement would be needed to keep people from slipping back into old habits.

It is this confluence of two elements that makes this form of governance so dangerous: 1) the concentration of power into so few hands; and 2) the need for doctrinal purity meant an iron hand of discipline.

I should also add in Lenin’s acceptance of ‘illegality’ when trying to accomplish his goals.
These operational guides that Lenin has set up concentrate iron power in the hands of a few, with no qualms over acting illegally if it is deemed necessary to accomplish an end.
It is no wonder nearly every communist revolution ends up in a brutal dictatorship.

Lenin calls out bourgeois elements in  society that would undermine the goals. The example he gives is the Mensheviks who advocated for independent trade unions. It’s quite obvious then that Lenin used the term bourgeois to mean anyone who would challenge his system. Lenin insists that his small cadre of party purists represent the best interests of the masses. If the masses happen to disagree with him, then they are labeled bourgeois, which can be translated enemies of the proletariat, and therefore deserving of removal from society.

Lenin says that trade unions served a purpose in the early days of capitalism as a first foray into organizing the working class. But they tended to get too narrowly focused on their own trades to consider the bigger picture, which was the transfer of power to the entire working class. There was bound to be some of this struggle between the communists and the trade unions as the communists gained more power, because the communists goals were much broader than the trade unions’ narrow focus on their own fiefdom.

Nonetheless, Lenin says, communists should work within trade unions or wherever the working class is, in order to agitate and propagandize.

Chap 7 – Should We Participate in Bourgeois Parliaments?

Lenin here challenges a statement from the German Communists that engaging in parliamentary politics is obsolete. Lenin notes that while the era of bourgeois parliaments is ending, and proletariat rule is beginning, parliamentary politics is not yet done. Then he makes an interesting statement: “It is obvious the ‘lefts’ is Germany have mistaken their desire, their politico-ideological attitude, for objective reality.” (Which is something I’ve often thought of Marxists in general!)  

He goes on to argue that as long as there are parliaments, it is just as well to participate in them as not. He uses the experiences they had in Russia of Bolsheviks in parliament as justification.

Chap 8 – No Compromises?  

Lenin attacks a statement from German Marxists declaring that there should be no compromise. He details times when the Bolsheviks were practical and compromised with other like-minded leftists, and even compromised at times with the bourgeois against the tsarists. Lenin says there needs to be flexibility in knowing when to compromise, and when compromise would be hurtful to the cause.

Chap 9 – Left Wing Communism in Great Britain

Lenin discusses the problems of the Communists in Great Britain.  

There was at that time no communist party, but there were several socialist organizations and a number of communists agitating for revolution. Some of these communists had declared that any compromise with other than pure communism would be traitorous. Lenin commends their zeal, but says they need to grow up and work with what they have. They will first need politicians able to work within the system. He acknowledges two: Henderson and Snowden, who are “hopelessly reactionary”, but still better than the conservatives. Lenin says it would not be treachery to the revolution to support these men. Indeed, for now, support them, and then later on, the working class will see that they are not really up to the task.

Lenin suggests that all the socialist leaning parties unite and then help whoever gets them closer to their goal.

Chap 10 –  Several Conclusions

Lenin gets to act like the great architect of the coming revolution. While communists in other countries are hoping for revolution, it has actually happened in Russia. Lenin is particularly concerned that as revolution nears in these other countries, there are careful to combat left wing communism, which can derail the actual goal of a proletariat dictatorship.

But he is also careful to state that communists need to be doctrinally solid, but flexible in their tactics in order to move towards the end goal.

He notes that in the U.S., fear of Bolshevism is fear of violence. He is ok with that because he believes that will act as a decoy. Bolshevism will arise from every angle, and if the American public is only defending itself against one angle, they will fall to other advancements.

Appendix

Lenin deals with several topics.

1. The split among the German Communists

The left communists are those that are opposed to any compromise. Lenin acknowledges the split, says it’s better than doctrinal confusion, and encourages them to establish a dictatorship of the proletariat without the discipline and centralization.

2. The Communists and the Independents in Germany

Lenin believes a compromise would benefit both, but believes the position of the independents will never bring about revolution. They want to try and win the masses over through the means of the liberal state, but Lenin believes this is impossible.

3. The Turati and co in Italy

Lenin condemns Turati’s methods will only disappoint the workers in Italy by never breaking their chains. Turati is only interested in reforms, not real communism.

4. False conclusions from correct premises

There are those that draw the conclusion that any participation in parliament is harmful in principle. Lenin says they are ignorant of how parliaments have been used to bring about revolution.